The deceased US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was considered arguably the most significant holders of that position in American history. Although countless vice-presidents had to settle for peripheral or symbolic positions, Cheney exercised enormous power during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was commonly described as the "actual president".
Bush resented that description and stated the connection was more complicated. He observed that Cheney was courteous, invariably calling him in official appearances as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their relationship as a collaboration because it indicated that they were on equal footing. In spite of these denials, Cheney found the easygoing president malleable on a whole raft of policy decisions.
A Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a contingent of neo-conservatives that featured military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been attending a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the destruction of any unidentified planes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney stated the assaults transformed him, leading him to become determined on retribution. Along with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Policies
He expressed no regrets about the armed intervention, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis died, nor about the harsh treatment of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on misleading intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It was the right thing to do back then. I had faith back then and I maintain that stance presently."
However even at the time, there were opposing views at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I observed, as a baseline," he later wrote "true dereliction, carelessness, and unaccountability: potentially, falsehoods, incompetence, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not solely responsible for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had composed a memo outlining situations in which national priorities might be endangered (encompassing "access to vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be prepared to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be orchestrated," specifically citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had assumed the White House generally inclined on executing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a plot to murder his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a portrait of his predecessor's face that all visitors had to step on.
Interrogation Methods
However it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken behind striking Iraq, consistently citing information documents that were whether thin or completely misleading. He supported what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "advanced techniques", the application of interrogation method and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had been obtained through the torture, Cheney rejected the findings as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and establish programmes to apprehend the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney enjoyed monikers imposed on him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the corner that operates invisibly leave his lair? It's a advantageous way to function, in fact."
Business Interests
Controversy over his corporate affiliations pursued him during his tenure as second-in-command. Although he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but strong connections in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the White House. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was granted US agreements totaling substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his period at the firm grew from his $258,394 when he was military head to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at over $20m|twenty
